This study undertakes a systematic exploration of the relationship between ecological conditions and human cultural variation, responding to the research question: “How much of cultural variation can be explained by ecology?”. The authors use a dataset comprising 9 ecological variables: rainfall, temperature, GDP, the Gini index of resource inequality, extrinsic mortality, life expectancy, disease threat, unemployment and population density. They assess the relation between these 9 variables and 66 cultural variables across 201 countries. In addition, the study considers the effects of spatial and cultural autocorrelation, including 11 distinct statistical metrics. The results are consistent with the idea that ecological variables make a substantial contribution to human cultural variation, and particularly multiple ecological variables simultaneously. Current levels and average levels of ecological conditions emerge as particularly influential. Conversely, markers of ecological variability and unpredictability demonstrate more relatively little influence.

This study undertakes a systematic exploration of the relationship between ecological conditions and human cultural variation, responding to the research question: “How much of cultural variation can be explained by ecology?”. The authors use a dataset comprising 9 ecological variables: rainfall, temperature, GDP, the Gini index of resource inequality, extrinsic mortality, life expectancy, disease threat, unemployment and population density. They assess the relation between these 9 variables and 66 cultural variables across 201 countries. In addition, the study considers the effects of spatial and cultural autocorrelation, including 11 distinct statistical metrics. The results are consistent with the idea that ecological variables make a substantial contribution to human cultural variation, and particularly multiple ecological variables simultaneously. Current levels and average levels of ecological conditions emerge as particularly influential. Conversely, markers of ecological variability and unpredictability demonstrate more relatively little influence.

In this article, the authors seek to determine cross-culturally valid predictors of dominant types of human subsistence around the world. They did this by formulating multiple models that incorporate different combinations of environmental, geographic, and social factors. These models were then used to test various hypotheses posed throughout the anthropological literature surrounding factors that determine dominant subsistence strategies.

In this article, the authors seek to determine cross-culturally valid predictors of dominant types of human subsistence around the world. They did this by formulating multiple models that incorporate different combinations of environmental, geographic, and social factors. These models were then used to test various hypotheses posed throughout the anthropological literature surrounding factors that determine dominant subsistence strategies.

Inter-group variation is greater in humans than in any other animal, and scholars continue to debate the cause of this diversity. Two competing explanatory models of human variation emphasize either (1) ecological differences and "evoked" culture or (2) population-level effects of cultural transmission. The former emphasizes mechanisms that operate within a single generation, while the latter emphasizes cumulative cultural history operating over many generations. To test these competing models, the authors measured the relative power of ecological variables as compared to culture history to predict behavioral variation in 172 western North American tribes. Culture history is subdivided into culture phylogeny (based on language phylogeny) and spatial distance.

In this article, the authors seek to determine cross-culturally valid predictors of dominant types of human subsistence around the world. They did this by formulating multiple models that incorporate different combinations of environmental, geographic, and social factors. These models were then used to test various hypotheses posed throughout the anthropological literature surrounding factors that determine dominant subsistence strategies.

In this article, the authors seek to determine cross-culturally valid predictors of dominant types of human subsistence around the world. They did this by formulating multiple models that incorporate different combinations of environmental, geographic, and social factors. These models were then used to test various hypotheses posed throughout the anthropological literature surrounding factors that determine dominant subsistence strategies.

In this article, the authors seek to determine cross-culturally valid predictors of dominant types of human subsistence around the world. They did this by formulating multiple models that incorporate different combinations of environmental, geographic, and social factors. These models were then used to test various hypotheses posed throughout the anthropological literature surrounding factors that determine dominant subsistence strategies.

In this article, the authors seek to determine cross-culturally valid predictors of dominant types of human subsistence around the world. They did this by formulating multiple models that incorporate different combinations of environmental, geographic, and social factors. These models were then used to test various hypotheses posed throughout the anthropological literature surrounding factors that determine dominant subsistence strategies.

In this article, the authors seek to determine cross-culturally valid predictors of dominant types of human subsistence around the world. They did this by formulating multiple models that incorporate different combinations of environmental, geographic, and social factors. These models were then used to test various hypotheses posed throughout the anthropological literature surrounding factors that determine dominant subsistence strategies.